Monday, December 9, 2013

Tyranny. It can never happen in America.



Wisconsin Political Speech Raid

Subpoenas hit allies of Scott Walker as his re-election campaign looms.

Updated Nov. 18, 2013

Americans learned in the IRS political targeting scandal that government enforcement power can be used to stifle political speech. Something similar may be unfolding in Wisconsin, where a special prosecutor is targeting conservative groups that participated in the battle over Governor Scott Walker's union reforms.
In recent weeks, special prosecutor Francis Schmitz has hit dozens of conservative groups with subpoenas demanding documents related to the 2011 and 2012 campaigns to recall Governor Walker and state legislative leaders.
Copies of two subpoenas we've seen demand "all memoranda, email . . . correspondence, and communications" both internally and between the subpoena target and some 29 conservative groups, including Wisconsin and national nonprofits, political vendors and party committees. The groups include the League of American Voters, Wisconsin Family Action, Wisconsin Manufacturers & Commerce, Americans for Prosperity—Wisconsin, American Crossroads, the Republican Governors Association, Friends of Scott Walker and the Republican Party of Wisconsin.
Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Associated Press
One subpoena also demands "all records of income received, including fundraising information and the identity of persons contributing to the corporation." In other words, tell us who your donors are.

***

The probe began in the office of Milwaukee County Assistant District Attorney Bruce Landgraf, though no one will publicly claim credit for appointing Mr. Schmitz, the special prosecutor. The investigation is taking place under Wisconsin's John Doe law, which bars a subpoena's targets from disclosing its contents to anyone but his attorneys. John Doe probes work much like a grand jury, allowing prosecutors to issue subpoenas and conduct searches, while the gag orders leave the targets facing the resources of the state with no way to publicly defend themselves.
That makes it hard to confirm any details. But one target who did confirm receiving a subpoena is Eric O'Keefe, who realizes the personal risk but wants the public to know what is going on. Mr. O'Keefe is director of the Wisconsin Club for Growth, which advocates lower taxes, limited government and other conservative priorities. He has worked in political and policy circles for three decades, including stints as national director of the Libertarian Party in 1980 and a director of the Cato Institute, and he helped to found the Center for Competitive Politics, which focuses on protecting political speech.
Mr. O'Keefe says he received his subpoena in early October. He adds that at least three of the targets had their homes raided at dawn, with law-enforcement officers turning over belongings to seize computers and files.
Mr. O'Keefe and other sources say they don't know the genesis of the probe, and Mr. Schmitz declined comment. The first public reference appeared in an October 21 blog post by Daniel Bice of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. Mr. Bice is well known for his Democratic sources.
The kitchen-sink subpoenas deserve skepticism considering their subject and targets. The disclosure of conservative political donors has become a preoccupation of the political left across the country. In the heat of the fight over Governor Walker's reforms, unions urged boycotts of Walker contributors and DemocraticUnderground.com published a list of Walker donors for boycotting.
The subpoena demand for the names of donors to nonprofit groups that aren't legally required to disclose them is especially troubling. Readers may recall that the Cincinnati office of the IRS sent the tax-exempt applications of several conservative groups to the ProPublica news website in 2012.
The subpoenas don't spell out a specific allegation, but the demands suggest the government may be pursuing a theory of illegal campaign coordination by independent groups during the recall elections. If prosecutors are pursuing a theory that independent conservative groups coordinated with candidate campaigns during the recall, their goal may be to transform the independent expenditures into candidate committees after the fact, requiring revision of campaign-finance disclosures and possible criminal charges.

***

Another reason for skepticism is the probe's timing as Mr. Walker's 2014 re-election campaign looms. This is the second such investigation against Mr. Walker in three and a half years, following one that began in the office of Milwaukee County Democratic District Attorney John Chisholm in spring 2010.
That probe examined whether staffers used government offices for political purposes while Mr. Walker was Milwaukee County Executive, but after three years turned up nothing on Mr. Walker and embarrassingly little else. The final charges included a case of an aide sending campaign emails on county time, two Walker aides stealing money, and charges of child enticement against the domestic partner of a former staffer.
Mr. Walker's Democratic recall opponent, Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett, nonetheless used the probe against the Governor, saying in a debate that "I have a police department that arrests felons, he has a practice of hiring them." So it's notable that the new batch of subpoenas began flying just days before Democrat Mary Burke announced her candidacy for Governor. District Attorneys are partisan elected officials in Wisconsin, and Mr. Landgraf works for Mr. Chisholm. Neither of them returned our call for comment.
The investigation's focus on campaign-finance law also falls into the wheelhouse of the Government Accountability Board, Wisconsin's political speech regulator. The GAB, which is made up of retired judges appointed by the Governor, has a history of pushing aggressive regulations of issue advertising. Mr. O'Keefe's Wisconsin Club for Growth has fought in court with the GAB over regulating political speech.
A person who has seen one of the Wisconsin search warrants tells us that the warrants were executed based on the request of Dean Nickel, who filed an affidavit for probable cause. Mr. Nickel is a former head of the Wisconsin Department of Justice Public Integrity Unit and has worked as an investigator for the GAB. Mr. Nickel told us he is a contractor for the GAB but wouldn't discuss the John Doe probe. GAB Director and General Counsel Kevin Kennedy declined to comment.

***

Perhaps the probe will turn up some nefarious activity that warrants this subpoena monsoon and home raids. But in the meantime the effect is to limit political speech by intimidating these groups from participating in the 2014 campaign. Stifling allies of Mr. Walker would be an enormous in-kind contribution to Democrats. Even if no charges are filed, the subpoenas will have served as a form of speech suppression.
Mr. O'Keefe told us that the flurry of subpoenas "froze my communications and frightened many allies and vendors of the pro-taxpayer political movement in Wisconsin and across the country." Even if no one is ever convicted of a crime, he says, "the process is the punishment."

The 'Spy' Who Fooled the EPA









The 'Spy' Who Fooled the EPA

Under deep CIA cover at the Office of Air and Radiation.

Nov. 21, 2013


The Environmental Protection Agency wants to be the nation's super-regulator, though it might first try to regulate its own employees. At least the ones pretending to be James Bond.
The Department of Justice in late September announced a plea agreement with John C. Beale , until recently a senior career employee at EPA's Office of Air and Radiation. Beale, 64, has admitted to devoting most of his 23-year career to bilking taxpayers of some $900,000 in pay and expenses. "Saturday Night Live" couldn't come up with this story.

Related Video

Assistant editorial page editor James Freeman on a high-level government employee who bilked $900,000 out of the agency by posing as a CIA agent. Photo: epa.gov
Information released by law enforcement, and details from an investigation by Louisiana Senator David Vitter, show that the fraud began when Beale stated in his 1989 EPA job application that he'd worked for the U.S. Senate, though there is no record of such employment. By 1994 Beale was claiming he was a CIA operative to justify prolonged absences. Apparently this raised no eyebrows at EPA.
Prosecutors estimate that from 2000 to 2013 Beale was absent from his EPA duties for a total of 2.5 years, claiming to be working for "Langley" or on a special EPA "research project." In 2008 he was gone for six months but never submitted a leave request. Around May 2011, Beale claimed to be retiring and celebrated with colleagues on a dinner cruise. An EPA manager admitted to not seeing Beale at the office after that, though not noticing until November 2012 that Beale was still on the payroll.
Beale used his "research" excuse to have taxpayers fund at least five trips to Los Angeles—worth $57,000 in travel expenses—to visit relatives and stay at nice hotels. Beale also claimed that he'd contracted malaria while serving in Vietnam, requiring taxpayers to cough up $18,000 for a handicapped parking spot in downtown Washington, D.C. He didn't serve in Vietnam and he didn't have malaria.
Getty Images
Beale was paid despite his absences and he received retention incentive bonuses that for a time made him among the highest paid employees at EPA. Mr. Vitter's office has noted that Beale was only approved to receive these bonuses for six years, yet EPA somehow handed them out for 23. Spooks the world over are jealous.
To recap: The same agency that wants to regulate the nation's carbon economy failed to vet a new hire, swallowed his spy stories, and paid a salary and bonuses to an employee who didn't come to work and whom it didn't notice was missing. EPA Inspector General Arthur Elkins, who is investigating the agency's employment and supervisory practices, says this fraud was the result of "an absence of even basic internal controls at the EPA."
Mr. Vitter is pushing for a Senate hearing into EPA mismanagement, but Environment and Public Works Chairman Barbara Boxer is resisting. Amid all of the other current demonstrations of government incompetence, perhaps she figures this is simply too embarrassing.

The Battlefront in the Front Yard

JASON HELVENSTON was at work on his second crop, spreading compost to fertilize the carrots, bok choy, kale and dozens of other vegetables he grows organically on his property in Orlando, Fla., when the trouble began.

Mr. Helvenston spent last Super Bowl Sunday planting the garden outside his 1940s cottage, in a neighborhood of modest houses close to downtown. Orlando’s growing season is nearly year-round, and Mr. Helvenston, a self-employed sustainability consultant for the building trade, said he saw the garden as “a budget thing” — a money-saving supplement to the chicken coop he and his wife, Jennifer, installed a few months later behind their house.

Since his backyard doesn’t get much sun, Mr. Helvenston ripped out the lawn in his front yard and put the 25-by-25-foot, micro-irrigated plot there. The unorthodox landscaping went largely unnoticed for months, perhaps because he lives on a dead-end street next to Interstate 4.

Then, in September, Pedro Padin, who lives in Puerto Rico but owns the rental property next door, visited with his wife and cast a displeasing eye on his neighbor’s front yard. “All the houses are pretty much kept neat,” Mr. Padin said, “but his house looks like a farm.”

Mr. Padin contacted the city, which cited the Helvenstons for violating section 60.207 of Orlando’s Land Development Code (failure to maintain ground cover on property) and set a deadline of Nov. 7 to comply.

Instead, Mr. Helvenston stood outside his polling site during the last election circulating a petition to change the current code, and then appeared on a local TV news station, telling the reporter and any city officials who happened to be watching, “You’ll take my house before you take my vegetable garden.”

Gardeners aren’t generally known for their civil disobedience, yet in the last couple of years several have run afoul of local officials for tending vegetables in their front yards. In Ferguson, Mo., a stay-at-home father was ordered to dig up his 55 varieties of edible plants. In Tulsa, Okla., a gardener who didn’t want to remove her veggies and medicinal herbs saw them largely cleared by the city. In Oak Park, Mich., a mother of six named Julie Bass faced up to 93 days in jail for refusing to take out the raised beds in front of her home and plant what the city deemed “suitable” ground cover.

These and other cases have drawn national attention, as well as outrage from gardeners, some of whom have begun referring to the isolated skirmishes as a broader “war on gardens.”

Roger Doiron, the founder and director of Kitchen Gardeners International, a group promoting food gardens, has marshaled support for Ms. Bass and others. “If you define a war as a struggle between opposing forces, this does fit the bill,” he said. The opposing forces, in Mr. Doiron’s view, are progressive-minded gardeners and backward-thinking municipalities. Gardeners, he said, “need to push back. This isn’t about a single garden; this is about the right to garden.”

Though rooted in something as innocuous as vegetables, these disputes touch on divisive issues like homeowner rights, property values, sustainability, food integrity and the aesthetics of the traditional American lawn. Ecologists and libertarians alike have gotten into the debate, the latter asserting that the codification of gardens is just one more way the government tells people how to live.

Jeff Rowes, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, a libertarian law firm based in Arlington, Va., that is advising Mr. Helvenston, is adamant. “It’s the micromanagement of land that invades your liberty in a thousand small ways,” he said.

Invoking the nation’s agrarian past, Mr. Rowes noted, “Washington, Jefferson and Madison were all farmers.”

For Mr. Padin, the issue is less about the inalienable right to grow snap peas at home than it is about the prerogative to not stand idly by while your property value plummets. Mr. Helvenston’s garden is “messy,” Mr. Padin said, and will attract rats and lower the worth of his rental home. Mr. Padin also questioned Mr. Helvenston’s commitment to maintaining the mulch-covered plot.

Mr. Helvenston, who is 40 and wears his hair in the same receding-ponytail style as the martial arts actor Steven Seagal, said that his green thumb isn’t a whim but a financial necessity. Anyone who is going to remove his family’s garden, he told a reporter by phone, “might as well kick down our door, steal food from our table and take off.”

Ms. Helvenston took the phone from her husband. “We want to be sustainable,” she said.  

Mr. Helvenston, who has begun referring to his yard as a “patriot garden,” an overt reference to the Victory Gardens planted during World War II, got back on the line, expressing disbelief at the response by Mr. Padin and the city of Orlando: “Who doesn’t like a garden? It’s like punching a baby.”

THE neatly manicured lawn was imported from England, and has been like a civic religion in the United States since the early 20th century. The desire to make your neighbor’s yard conform apparently goes back even farther. In her book “The Lawn: A History of an American Obsession,” Virginia Scott Jenkins quotes the horticulture writer Peter Henderson, who in 1875 disparaged homeowners who let their grass grow wild and vowed that “the majority will soon shame them into decency.” If Mr. Henderson were alive today, he might be pleased to discover that Americans spend an estimated $30 billion annually on lawn care and divert rivers so those in arid places like Phoenix can spend their Saturdays behind a mower, too.

But in recent years, water shortages and growing interest in sustainability have given rise to an alternate view of the lawn. Food Not Lawns, an environmental group, advocates abolishing ornamental grasses in favor of edible gardens, while the National Wildlife Federation sponsors a program for homeowners interested in creating wildlife habitats in their yards. The transformation can start with something as minimal as adding flowers that attract migratory butterflies or be as ambitious as cultivating a wild landscape of Dr. Dolittle proportions, said David Mizejewski, a spokesman for the National Wildlife Federation.

“There’s a movement of turning conventional suburban yards into more productive spaces,” Mr. Mizejewski said. His organization has certified about 131,000 wildlife habitats since 2000, he said, almost seven times the number registered during the program’s previous 27 years.

As Amy Stewart of the blog Garden Rant put it, “People are going native.”

If that’s true, someone should inform local municipalities, many of which have spent the last 50 years drafting increasingly restrictive codes governing their residents’ landscaping choices. Orlando’s code, for instance, specifies that planted shrubs “shall be a minimum of 24 inches in height” and “spaced not more than 36 inches apart,” while berms “shall not exceed a slope of 3:1.” The code goes on to list no less than 295 approved and prohibited species.

Opponents like Mr. Rowes argue that such strict rules are fine when instituted by homeowners associations, where residents “go in with their eyes wide open,” but codification of a homeowner’s landscaping by local governments can be “oppressive.”

Jon Ippel, sustainability director for the city of Orlando, said the list of approved and prohibited plantings is intended to create permanent landscaping that survives Florida climate and keeps out invasive species. As for the enforced homogeneity, Mr. Ippel said, the code was written in 1991 and reflects an era when “the aesthetic was more of a formalized thing. Organic, natural planting was out of vogue.” The garden sharing program run by the city of Santa Monica, Calif., where residents are permitted — even encouraged — to plant front-yard gardens, turns out to be the exception, not the rule.

City officials frequently cite public health and safety as the main reasons for zoning codes, but the underlying driver is often real estate. John Shaw, the city manager in Ferguson, Mo., a suburb of St. Louis, said of zoning codes, “At the end of the day, they’re there to protect homeowners and to protect their property value.”

Last summer, after Karl Tricamo, the stay-at-home father in Ferguson, was informed that his front-yard garden was in violation, he challenged the city and won a ruling from the Board of Adjustment that allowed him to keep his veggies.

Mr. Shaw cited the city’s “Live Well Ferguson” program as an example of its progressive attitude toward healthy practices like gardening. It is the residents, he added, who are often in favor of restrictive landscaping codes. “Some of the largest volume of calls we get are complaints about property conditions,” he said.

In many communities where gardeners face fines, including Orlando and Ferguson, code enforcement officials didn’t initially go after the person planting vegetables in the front yard. It wasn’t until one or more neighbors complained that the city responded by following the law as currently set forth. Much like the chicken coops that popped up in suburban backyards a few years ago, front-yard gardens weren’t an issue until they suddenly became one.

Faced with residents who are adapting to what they perceive as new economic and environmental realities, in ways that don’t always fit the current laws or aesthetic norms, many communities have been caught off guard. Mr. Shaw said flatly, “We weren’t ready for this.”

Mr. Doiron, the gardening activist, believes change will come slowly to the traditional lawn, and with resistance from local officials. “We’re going to pull them kicking and screaming into the 21st century if we have to,” he said.

IF there’s a Norma Rae in the war on gardens, a public face the movement has coalesced around, it’s Julie Bass, the 43-year-old Michigan mother who faced jail time for tending a front-yard garden. But as Ms. Bass tells it, she was an accidental scofflaw.

When the roots of a tree planted by the city of Oak Park cracked her sewer line two summers ago, Ms. Bass had to dig up her front lawn. She hadn’t been opposed to grass, or very eco-conscious for that matter, but replanting “a green carpet of nothing,” she said, seemed like a waste of money. Instead, she and her husband hired a carpenter to build and install five large raised garden beds that covered the yard in front of their small brick house in the inner suburb of Detroit.

First, however, she checked with officials in Oak Park, and discovered the code was vague in regard to front-yard gardens. She went ahead anyway. Soon she received warnings and then a letter from the city, citing her under the blight ordinance for failing to have “grass, shrubbery or other suitable live plant material” in her front yard.

Ms. Bass decided to keep her garden and consulted a lawyer, who told her she faced up to 93 days in prison if found guilty, a startling possibility she noted on her new blog, oakparkhatesveggies. “That’s when everything went viral,” she said.

Eugene Lumberg, the prosecuting attorney for the city in the case, said the chances of Ms. Bass’s going to jail were “nil to none.” Still, he said, under the city’s laws, violating the zoning ordinance was a criminal misdemeanor, not to mention an unattractive addition to the streetscape. “We’re a city of neat, manicured lawns,” Mr. Lumberg said, expressing disapproval over the expected tangle of tomato vines and adding that “nothing destroys a neighborhood faster” than shabby-looking homes.

Ms. Bass said she came to see herself as a champion for gardeners’ rights, especially after her case attracted media attention and support worldwide. “I felt like if I don’t stand up to this petty tyranny,” she said, “it gives the city carte blanche to walk all over anyone.”

But the city saw an important principle at stake, too: maintaining the delicate balance of comity between neighbors. Individual property rights aren’t absolute, Mr. Lumberg argued. “What if I decide to leave my garbage out for a week before pickup day?” he said. “People say, ‘This is America. It’s my garbage and my property.’ Where does it stop?”
Related

Mr. Rowes, the lawyer advising Mr. Helvenston, agrees with that argument, up to a point. “The government gets to draw lines” for the public good, he said, acknowledging that concerns over property values are legitimate and citing as an example of objectionable behavior a homeowner’s burning noxious substances. But with respect to a front-yard garden, he said, “we don’t need to make an aesthetic judgment.”

The city of Oak Park was flooded with angry calls and e-mails. But, as Mr. Lumberg pointed out, the great majority of Ms. Bass’s supporters weren’t her neighbors. “If you don’t live next door to it,” he said, “your thinking is different.”

In a Clintonian echo, Ms. Bass’s case hinged on parsing how one defines “suitable” plant material. In interviews with the media, a city official argued that suitable meant commonly seen in the community, so a front-yard vegetable garden didn’t qualify. Ms. Bass insisted that her cucumbers, melons and jalapeños were the definition of suitable.

Perhaps owing to the Bass family’s indicating they were moving to Seattle, or to the negative media attention, the city dismissed the case. The Basses now have chickens at their new home, but no front-yard garden, since their lawn is concrete.

Instead, Ms. Bass acts as a kind of elder sage in the garden war. She recently e-mailed Mr. Helvenston, offering advice and encouragement. “I told him, ‘It’s going to be difficult, but you’re fighting a good fight. Hang in there and stay strong.’ ”

ORLANDO is an unlikely place for a battle over a garden. As the name of the college football stadium reminds visitors, the city’s roots are in citrus growing. In 2007, Mayor Buddy Dyer started GreenWorks Orlando, an ambitious plan spanning decades to turn Orlando into one of the country’s greenest cities. Publicly fighting one of its residents over organic vegetables probably didn’t come up in the drafting meetings.

From Mr. Rowes’s view, the Orlando case points to a distinction between what he calls a “corporatized green,” like installing reflective windows in city buildings, and a “grass roots kind of green,” as practiced by the Helvenstons and others. “People just want to be able to grow their own food,” he said. “It’s a rejection of everyone having the same kind of house with the same kind of lawn.”

Mr. Ippel, the sustainability director, said Orlando is all for sustainability at the grass roots level. “We’re not opposed to gardens,” he said. “We allow chickens in the community. In our view, the story got blown out of proportion.”

Mr. Ippel added that the city had undergone a yearlong process to revise its current landscape code to better promote sustainability and flexibility. As part of the process, he said, the city would incorporate codified standards for front-yard gardens. “Hopefully, he’s amenable to making those changes,” Mr. Ippel said of Mr. Helvenston.

One of the ideas floating around is to require homeowners who plant a front-yard garden to shield it from the street with a fence. Mr. Padin, the owner of the neighboring house, said he would be “100 percent agreeable” to that solution.

But Mr. Helvenston finds the compromise objectionable. “A fence is expensive,” he said, digging in. “Now you just ruined my return on investment.”

While they wait for the city’s updated policy, the Helvenstons continue to tend their vegetable patch (they just harvested edamame) and to drum up support for the garden in their front yard and those elsewhere. “We didn’t want this to happen,” Mr. Helvenston said, in a warning shot to other communities, “but it’s a blessing. It’s gotten more people planting gardens.”



By STEVEN KURUTZ
Published: December 19, 2012

Saturday, November 9, 2013

Fracking, Poverty and the New Liberal Gentry










Fred Siegel: Fracking, Poverty and the New Liberal Gentry


The energy bonanza has bypassed New York, where socialites and celebrities have come out in force to stop it.

Nov. 7, 2013




The transformation of American liberalism over the past half-century is nowhere more apparent than in the disputes now roiling a relatively obscure section of upstate New York. In 1965, as part of his "war on poverty," President Lyndon Johnson created the Appalachian Regional Commission. Among the areas to be served by the commission were the Southern Tier counties of New York state, including Broome, Tioga and Chemung. The commission's central aim was to "Increase job opportunities and per capita income in Appalachia to reach parity with the nation."
Like so many Great Society antipoverty programs, the effort largely failed. The Southern Tier counties remain much as they appeared in the 1960s, pocked by deserted farms and abandoned businesses, largely untouched by the prosperity that blessed much of America over the past five decades.
Beginning about a dozen years ago, remarkable improvements in natural-gas drilling by means of hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, seemed to promise a way out of poverty. The massive Marcellus Shale Formation under New York and Pennsylvania has proved to be "the most lucrative natural gas play in the U.S.," Business Week recently noted, because the shale produces high-quality gas and is easily shipped to New York and Philadelphia.
In Pennsylvania, a state long familiar with carbon production through oil drilling and coal mining, Democratic Gov. Ed Rendell backed fracking during his tenure from 2003-11, and the state has experienced a boom in jobs and income. Between 2007 and 2011, in Pennsylvania counties with more than 200 fracking wells, per capita income rose 19%, compared with an 8% increase in counties with no wells, as petroleum analyst Gregg Laskoski wrote for U.S. News & World Report in August.
In New York, the potential natural-gas bonanza has been stillborn. Political support for fracking came largely from Southern Tier landowners scratching out a living on land much of which has been left fallow. These supporters sometimes referred to the environmental benefits of natural gas as opposed to coal. But their core argument was that fracking offered the only chance to rescue a dying region. Many landowners were being crushed by the heavy burden of New York's high taxes—among the highest property taxes in the nation—and by regulation that made it hard to eke out a living from small dairy herds.
Actress Debra Winger at an anti-fracking protest in Albany, N.Y., Oct. 30. Associated Press
The landowners have been no match for an antifracking coalition that drew on the liberal well-to-do and celebrities, including Yoko Ono and Richard Plunz, a professor at the Columbia Graduate School of Architecture, whose primary residences are in New York City but who also own second homes upstate. These better-known opponents have been joined by other progressives, often from Manhattan, in alliance with the liberal gentry of upstate university towns such as Ithaca, Binghamton and Oneonta. Fracking is occurring in 31 states and has been approved for California and Illinois. But in New York, the antifrackers turned opposition to fracking into a litmus test for liberals.
The antifracking movement has taken on something of the anti-industrial Tory ethos of mid-19th-century England. The romantic sentiments underlying the antifracking movement have been expressed by Adelaide Gomer, the Duncan Hines heiress, who directs the Park Foundation of Ithaca. The foundation finances much of the antifracking movement. "Hydrofracking," Ms. Gomer wrote in a 2010 petition, "will turn our area into an industrial site. It will ruin the ambience, the beauty of the region. But, moreover, it will poison our aquifers. We can live without gas, but we cannot live without water."
Fracking supporters know that the process occurs far below aquifers and is not a danger to water supplies—which in any event proponents would have no interest in poisoning. These advocates are, in the standard sense, conservationists concerned with preserving the land even as they use it. The antifrackers, by contrast, seem most interested in maintaining the upstate region as a pristine setting for gracious living and tourism. Unlike the 19th-century British Tories, who felt a paternal obligation to look after the well-being of the peasants they governed, today's liberal gentry operates on a narrowly self-interested basis.
In 2008, the administration of New York's Gov. David Paterson seemed generally positive about fracking, even while emphasizing the need for updated regulations to protect the environment. But while Mr. Paterson was considering the problem, HBO presented "Gaslands," an agitprop film that depicted Pennsylvania as "getting fracked to hell." The film sensationally portrayed water coming out of kitchen water taps being ignited with a flame—the result of fracking, we were told, though the phenomenon was the result of naturally occurring methane.
"Gaslands" had an enormous impact, and it was buttressed by a series of articles in theNew York Times so biased against fracking that the newspaper's public editor twice apologized for them. The media's antifracking message meshed well with the Park Foundation's subsidies of protests around the region and in Albany. Faced with a surge of antifracking sentiment, the state in 2008 imposed a moratorium.
Five years later, the supposedly temporary ban to allow the study of health and regulatory considerations remains in place. Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who took office in 2010, last year floated a compromise. The areas near the reservoirs for New York and Syracuse, the liberal gentry of Ithaca and the wealthy retirees of Cooperstown would be able to maintain the status quo. The 100 towns that had passed local bans on fracking would have their wishes respected. Mr. Cuomo would have confined fracking areas to sections of the Southern Tier Counties of Broome, Chemung, Chenango, Steuben and Tioga. In those areas, the shale is deep within the earth and there are no aquifers—even antifracking activists would have a hard time finding a threat to the water table.
The proposed compromise might have seemed reasonable. But the antifrackers who had demonized the gas industry responded with a resounding, no. At a rally earlier this year, actor Mark Ruffalo, another antifracking celebrity, warned the politically ambitious Mr. Cuomo: "We'll cream you if you open New York state to fracking." On Wednesday last week in Albany, the state capital, actress Debra Winger was a prominent speaker at an antifracking protest.
Dick Downey, a retired teacher and fracking supporter living in Otego, N.Y., wrote in his local paper, the Daily Star, in 2011 that "the class divide in the argument over drilling in New York is the elephant in the living room. Everyone's aware of it but no one is talking about it. It pits generational farmers against the newly arrived, well-to-do pensioners against those just hanging on."
Poverty and social class don't seem significant issues for the residents of Ithaca, the center of the antifracking movement. Perched on the edge of beautiful Lake Cayuga, one of New York's Finger Lakes, Ithaca is home to Cornell University, Ithaca College and the Park Foundation. Ithaca claims to have more restaurants per capita than New York City. In the 2000 presidential election, more residents voted for Ralph Nader than for George W. Bush.
Great Society liberalism had, for all its faults, an ideal of inclusiveness. The environmental anti-industrial liberalism is implicitly organized around exclusion. Environmentalism, with its powerful not-in-my-backyard and not-in-your-backyard currents in upstate New York, has become an ideological cover for the pursuit of self-interest. New York's liberals are fighting to preserve the status quo, poverty and all.
Mr. Siegel is a scholar in residence at Saint Francis College in Brooklyn and a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute's Center for Civic Innovation. This essay is adapted from an article that will be published next spring in Society magazine.
Copyright 2013 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved

Tuesday, November 5, 2013

Martha Coakley’s campaign funds in disarray

Martha Coakley’s campaign funds in disarray


Attorney General Martha Coakley, now a candidate for governor, has used her own federal political account for questionable expenditures.
As attorney general, Martha Coakley has doggedly pursued campaign finance scofflaws, yet Coakley, now a candidate for governor, has also used her own federal political account for questionable expenditures, while allowing the war chest to fall into fiscal disarray.
Since her failed 2010 Senate bid, Coakley has spent$6,000 in leftover cash to promote a statewide bid for office, much of which appears to be a violation of campaign finance law.
State law prohibits the use of federal campaign funds to support a state race. Coakley has consistently signaled that she is not interested in another Senate run and since 2010 had said that she would instead run for reelection as attorney general, before changing her mind and announcing a bid for governor last month.
Yet she dipped into her federal account to pay for an advertisement and fees at the state party convention that highlighted her position as attorney general, a move her aides say was a mistake. Several months later, she again used the federal cash to travel to the national party convention.
On top of that, Coakley also spent $35,000 from her federal fund — a huge amount for a scarcely active account — on software that helps to maintain a candidate’s fund-raising and volunteer database and to file quarterly financial reports to the Federal Election Commission.
‘The committee was not aware of the issues with the reports.’
Quote Icon
To further oversee the account and ensure that the reports were filed correctly, the campaign paid $28,254 to Coakley’s sister, Anne Gentile. It paid another $10,000 to Megan Brengarth, a federal campaign finance compliance consultant, between April 2o10 and April 2011.
Despite all those expenditures, Coakley’s federal accounts are replete with inaccurate numbers. The result is an accounting nightmare that makes it unclear whether the committee is now running a substantial deficit or has cash on hand, according to its quarterly FEC reports.
After the committee paid off all its debts in 2010, it started 2011 with $70,012. Its reports since then show the committee took in $9,355 in reimbursements and other money owed, but collected no contributions. During that same period, the campaign spent $182,125, well more than it had in cash. Despite that, the committee claimed on its latest campaign finance report to have an ending balance of $6,053.
Meanwhile, Coakley’s federal committee failed to respond to repeated requests from federal campaign finance regulators to straighten out a series of error-riddled reports that it submitted over the last several years. Political aides attributed the miscommunication to an e-mail mix-up.
The campaign insisted that the US Senate database was used for federal purposes only. “The campaign committee made the decision to keep the federal account open to support other federal candidates, like Senator [Edward] Markey, and keep other options open,” spokesman Kyle Sullivan said.
As the state’s chief legal enforcer of campaign finance laws, Coakley is under particular scrutiny to adhere to the rules governing political fund-raising, particularly after taking legal action against several elected officials whose publicly filed records were incomplete and inaccurate.
While the questions surrounding Coakley’s campaign account were far less serious, she brought a criminal indictment against former South Boston legislator Brian P. Wallace on charges of failing to properly document how he spent his campaign cash. A judge reduced the charges to civil penalties.
In August, Coakley filed suit against William Lantigua, the controversial Lawrence mayor, charging that he had committed a range of campaign finance violations and accusing him of an “inability or unwillingness” to comply with the law. She has also brought campaign finance-related criminal charges against Michael E. McLaughlin, the former chief of the Chelsea Housing Authority, and she negotiated a huge campaign finance fine for former lieutenant governor Timothy P. Murray.
Those prosecutions rub up against her own issues with the Federal Election Commission. The agency has written her committee a half-dozen times since early 2011 demanding that it clean up its quarterly balance sheets. The federal committee never responded. Only when the Globe inquired this week did Coakley’s committee begin to prepare amended filings.
Aides say there’s a reason for that: The e-mail communications from the FEC went to a defunct e-mail address.
“Because the e-mails from the FEC were sent to an old e-mail address, the committee was not aware of the issues with the reports,” said Sullivan, the spokesman. “Once we were made aware of the issues, the campaign moved immediately to contact the FEC and address the issues.”
The statement does not explain that Gentile, who serves as treasurer of both Coakley’s state and federal accounts and provided the FEC with the contract address, never informed the agency of any change. Sullivan did not say why Gentile failed to inform the FEC that the e-mail address was no longer correct.
The FEC would not comment directly on the Coakley case, but said it typically makes efforts to get in touch with committees that do not respond to e-mails.
Sullivan did not explain why the filings were so inaccurate after the committee spent so much money on NGP database software, on top of the cash it paid to Coakley’s sister and the compliance consultant to oversee the work. Those filed documents were rarely more than 20 or 30 pages and often as slim as a dozen or fewer.
White the committee’s books fell into chaos, it continued to contribute to Coakley’s favorite candidates, charities, and political groups, as well as to Democratic Party organizations.
Those donations appear to fall within the law. But her use of the Martha Coakley for Senate Committee’s money for her direct political benefit when she was gearing up to run for reelection as attorney general (and now governor) falls into a gray legal area. Beacon Hill political figures created a 1997 law banning the use of federal funds in state politics in order to block members of the congressional delegation from using their campaign money to run for governor.
The $35,000 that Coakley spent on the software seems out of proportion with the committee’s activities during that time. As a state candidate in the same time frame, she paid the firm $18,625 for similar purposes. Yet while the federal committee raised nothing, the state organization took in $1.37 million in contributions.
Coakley declined to be interviewed about the accounting problems.But an aide acknowledged an “error” in some of its expenditures for state political activities, namely the ad and the convention fee.
In June 2012, Coakley’s federal committee paid a $1,000 fee for a state party convention and bought a $1,200 ad for the convention’s booklet, featuring a photo of her and a caption that read “Attorney General.” It made no mention of a potential candidacy for Senate or any other federal office, and claimed to be paid for by Coakley’s state committee, despite the fact that the state committee had no involvement in the purchase.
“We regret the error and will reimburse the funds,” Sullivan said.
He said they are working with the FEC to amend the reports and they aim to shut down the federal committee by the end of the year.
Her federal committee also paid the $3,763.10 in credit card charges that she ran up attending the September 2012 Democratic National Convention in Charlotte, N.C. Once again, the reason for her trip was clear. Coakley was not attending the event as a would-be federal candidate — she was there to carry out her political duties as an elected constitutional officer of Massachusetts, saying at the time that she was running for reelection. Sullivan insists that her use of the funds for the convention did not violate state law.
Frank Phillips can be reached at frank.phillips@globe.com.